{"id":30435,"date":"2026-11-13T12:14:59","date_gmt":"2026-11-13T17:14:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/climatechange\/?p=30435"},"modified":"2026-11-13T12:14:59","modified_gmt":"2026-11-13T17:14:59","slug":"implications-of-the-midterm-election-results-for-local-climate-authority","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/climatechange\/2026\/11\/13\/implications-of-the-midterm-election-results-for-local-climate-authority\/","title":{"rendered":"Implications of the Midterm Election Results for Local Climate Authority"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"\"<\/a>
Photo available on Unsplash<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Last week\u2019s midterm elections resulted in a marked increase in Democratic trifectas<\/a>, or state governments where the Democratic Party controls both chambers of the state legislature and the governorship. Following the elections, we now have at least 22 Democratic trifectas across the country, including 6 new ones in Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, and Arizona. Voters also broke Republican trifectas in New Hampshire, Iowa, Ohio, Georgia, and Texas, meaning those states will each soon have a divided government.<\/p>\n

In states with new Democratic trifectas, and those with broken Republican trifectas, we may see efforts to accelerate action on climate change<\/a>. This could take many forms, including greater support for local-level climate action. Local governments play a critical role in achieving national climate goals, and incremental efforts across municipalities<\/a> result in important cumulative impacts.<\/p>\n

Local governments<\/a> have been at the forefront of efforts to mitigate and adapt to climate change. Many municipalities have, for example, adopted policies to support building decarbonization, encourage uptake of electric vehicles, and promote the use of smart surfaces, among other efforts. State governments have not always been happy about this, however. Republican-led states, in particular, have often sought to limit or preempt local climate action. Now that Democrats will occupy more lawmaking seats, especially where there are new Democratic trifectas, there is an opportunity to remove these limits and restore local authority to take climate action. This blog discusses the legal doctrine of state-local preemption and how the new Democratic trifectas and broken Republican trifectas could affect local governments\u2019 authority to engage in climate governance.<\/p>\n

State Preemption of Local Climate Action <\/strong><\/p>\n

Local governments consistently face state preemption obstacles in furthering their own climate policies. Broadly, state preemption<\/a> refers to the ability of a state government to restrict or eliminate the authority of local governments to regulate in a certain area. A state may preempt local authority by, for example, adopting a law that explicitly prohibits certain local regulations, or it might adopt its own regulatory program that is so comprehensive it fully occupies a particular field and thus leaves no room for local-level action. In recent years, many state legislatures have increasingly us<\/a>ed<\/a> preemption to retroactively invalidate local laws<\/a> across many issue areas.<\/p>\n

Several states have enacted laws that preempt local climate action<\/a>. Local laws designed to support transportation and building electrification are particularly common targets for state preemption. For example, Florida\u2019s electric vehicle charging infrastructure statute<\/a> eliminates the ability of local governments to promote the use of electric vehicles through regulation of charging infrastructure. It provides: \u201cThe regulation of electric vehicle charging stations is preempted to the state. A local governmental entity may not enact or enforce an ordinance or regulation related to electric vehicle charging stations.\u201d Additionally, Alabama, like various other states, has a building electrification statute<\/a> that preempts local governments from banning the use of natural gas-burning appliances. The Sabin Center for Climate Change Law\u2019s report Navigating State Law in Local Climate Action<\/a> analyzes the climate preemption laws of 19 states and highlights the prevalence of this doctrine throughout the country\u2019s legal framework.<\/p>\n

What New Democratic and Broken Republican Trifectas Could Mean for State Preemption of Local Climate Action<\/strong><\/p>\n

The rise in Democratic trifectas and fracture of several Republican trifectas could result in repeals of preemption laws, especially in states that want to accelerate climate action. Arizona, one of the new Democratic trifecta states, has in the past seen particularly aggressive state-level preemption of local climate action, driven by a Republican-led legislature despite strong support for climate action from the governor<\/a> and local leaders<\/a>. Arizona law<\/a> currently prohibits local governments from denying building permits based on the proposed utility provider, which means municipalities cannot require building developers to utilize non-fossil fuel sources for new buildings. Arizona law<\/a>\u00a0also currently prohibits local governments from requiring owners, operators, and tenants of certain properties to measure and report their energy use and consumption, including benchmarking and energy efficiency audits. Similarly, Minnesota, like many other states<\/a>, preempts local building codes<\/a>, which could have stricter energy and decarbonization requirements than the state\u2019s building code. Buildings are a significant source of greenhouse gas emissions<\/a>, and these laws interfere with the ability of local governments to pursue this important climate mitigation measure. The new slates of Arizona and Minnesota lawmakers, and those in each of the other new Democratic trifecta states, could undo these and comparable laws and thereby open up space for more local climate action.<\/p>\n

New Democratic trifectas could also pass new laws that give local governments greater authority to act on climate change. For example, New York State\u2019s energy law expressly authorizes<\/a> local governments to promulgate local energy conservation construction codes that are stricter than the state energy code.<\/p>\n

Finally, another likely outcome in both new Democratic trifecta states and broken Republican trifecta states is fewer sweeping preemption measures like those previously enacted by Republican legislatures. One well-known example is the Texas Regulatory Consistency Act<\/a>, colloquially known as the \u201cDeath Star\u201d bill<\/a>, which states that \u201cthe governing body of a municipality may adopt, enforce, or maintain an ordinance or rule only if the ordinance or rule is consistent with the laws of this state.\u201d This 2023 Republican-introduced law<\/a> received only Republican support in the Senate and only 3 of 64 Democratic representative votes for final approval. Additionally, Georgia, another broken trifecta state, has a statute that preempts<\/a> local governments from restricting or prohibiting energy hookups for buildings based on the fuel type or energy source. A Republican representative introduced this 2021 law<\/a>, and it received only 12 Democratic to 95 Republican representative votes and 3 Democratic to 31 Republican senator votes. In these states, now with broken trifectas, we are unlikely to see more of these restrictive preemptive measures, and we may even see some repealed.<\/p>\n

Conclusion<\/strong><\/p>\n

The results of the 2026 U.S. midterm elections have the potential to change the climate policy landscape and result in fewer restrictions on local climate action. This may be particularly true in states with new Democratic trifectas and those with broken Republican trifectas. Local governments in these states could benefit from repeals of existing preemption laws, the passage of new laws that support greater local regulatory authority, or simply fewer new preemptive laws. Local officials and other stakeholders should be cognizant of how their scope of regulatory authority may shift over coming legislative sessions.<\/p>\n

<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Last week\u2019s midterm elections resulted in a marked increase in Democratic trifectas, or state governments where the Democratic Party controls both chambers of the state legislature and the governorship. Following the elections, we now have at least 22 Democratic trifectas across the country, including 6 new ones in Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, and Arizona. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3746,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[68402],"tags":[65711,5665],"class_list":["post-30435","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","category-cities","tag-cities-climate-law-initiative","tag-municipal","czr-hentry"],"yoast_head":"\nImplications of the Midterm Election Results for Local Climate Authority - Climate Law Blog<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/climatechange\/2026\/11\/13\/implications-of-the-midterm-election-results-for-local-climate-authority\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Implications of the Midterm Election Results for Local Climate Authority - Climate Law Blog\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Last week\u2019s midterm elections resulted in a marked increase in Democratic trifectas, or state governments where the Democratic Party controls both chambers of the state legislature and the governorship. 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