{"id":1670,"date":"2021-01-01T15:01:37","date_gmt":"2021-01-01T20:01:37","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/?p=1670"},"modified":"2021-04-27T15:46:27","modified_gmt":"2021-04-27T19:46:27","slug":"stuart-elden-from-dynastics-to-genealogy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/stuart-elden-from-dynastics-to-genealogy\/","title":{"rendered":"Stuart Elden | From Dynastics to Genealogy"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2><a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/stuart-elden\/\">By Stuart Elden<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>I\u2019ve written about <em>The Punitive Society<\/em> course by Foucault before, particularly in a review essay which appeared in <a href=\"https:\/\/brill.com\/view\/journals\/hima\/23\/4\/article-p149_8.xml?language=en\"><em>Historical Materialism<\/em><\/a>, and then in my book <a href=\"https:\/\/politybooks.com\/bookdetail\/?isbn=9781509507252\"><em>Foucault: The Birth of Power<\/em><\/a> which appeared with Polity in 2017. That was a book based on both textual and archival research, an attempt to trace how Foucault moved from <em>The Archaeology of Knowledge<\/em> in 1969 to <em>Surveiller et punir<\/em>, <em>Discipline and Punish<\/em> in 1975. I did this by privileging two main sources of information \u2013 his early courses at the Coll\u00e8ge de France, and his political activism.<\/p>\n<p>With the courses, I was particularly interested in how each of the first three courses took a particular schema of power-knowledge as its principal focus: measure, inquiry, examination; in <em>Lectures on the Will to Know<\/em>, <em>Penal Theories and Institutions<\/em>, <em>The Punitive Society<\/em>. And then how they were explored through a range of historical topics, even as the contemporary moment was not very far away. The opening of the second course, <em>Penal Theories and Institutions<\/em>, begins with the suggestion that those looking for the \u201creason for these lectures\u201d need \u201conly to open one\u2019s eyes\u201d (PTI 3\/1). In a Latin Quarter still scarred by the 1968 events, and remaining heavily policed, Foucault\u2019s audience would have surely known what he meant. Bernard Harcourt and his colleagues\u2019 editorial work on this volume and <em>The Punitive Society<\/em> is invaluable in situating these lectures back in that and other contexts.<\/p>\n<p>With Foucault\u2019s activism, in the book I do discuss the work of the GIP, the Prisons Information Group, of course. This is on the basis of the group\u2019s publications; the valuable archival and documentary work of Philippe Arti\u00e8res and his colleagues, of which a good sample will be at long last in <a href=\"https:\/\/www.upress.umn.edu\/book-division\/books\/intolerable\">English translation in 2021<\/a>; and on my own archival work at IMEC which houses the GIP papers. But I also tried to tie Foucault\u2019s work on medicine and mental illness in this period to his activism, particularly in a discussion of his lesser-known work with the Groupe Information Sant\u00e9. Their work on questions concerning abortion rights, industrial accidents and immigrant health is, I think, an important part of the story, the contexts for these lectures and other academic work.<\/p>\n<p>In returning to <em>The Punitive Society<\/em> for this session I was struck by one word. The word I want to focus on briefly is the notion of \u2018dynastics\u2019.<\/p>\n<p>When people think of Foucault\u2019s shift to a different or complementary approach to archaeology in the 1970s, we usually talk of genealogy. This, in name at least, is indebted to Nietzsche. \u00a0Foucault does of course use that term \u2018genealogy\u2019 very frequently to describe what he is doing. There are a lot of complexities about that term, but I think we can give a few indications.<\/p>\n<p>Genealogy is mentioned in \u2018The Order of Discourse\u2019 in December 1970, where critical analyses and genealogical ones are contrasted. Foucault had lectured on Nietzsche and genealogy before this, but had not used it to describe his own work, except for a 1967 suggestion that \u201cmy archaeology owes more to Nietzschean genealogy than to structuralism properly so called\u201d (DE I, 599).<\/p>\n<p>But in the late 1960s and early 1970s, genealogy is generally an object of study, rather than an approach to it. In <em>Lectures on the Will to Know<\/em>, for example, Foucault talks quite a bit about genealogy, but this is in terms of the lineage of kings, ancestors and heroes. He also writes the \u2018Nietzsche, Genealogy, History\u2019 essay around this time, drawing on earlier teaching. But in this it is very much a description of what Nietzsche is doing. Foucault is not claiming this is his approach, at least not yet.<\/p>\n<p>It is only really in 1974, with the <em>Psychiatric Power<\/em> course, that he says that his work provides a sketch of the \u2018genealogy of knowledge [<em>connaissance<\/em>]\u2019, which he sees as \u201cthe indispensable historical other side [<em>envers<\/em>] to the archaeology of knowledge [<em>savoir<\/em>]\u201d (PP 239\/239). He describes his approach in <em>Discipline and Punish<\/em> in 1975 as a genealogy, and in a 1975 interview says that \u201cif I wanted to be being pretentious, I would use the \u2018the genealogy of morals\u2019 as the general title of what I am doing\u201d (DE II, 753). From this point on, 1975, Foucault uses the term \u2018genealogy\u2019 fairly generally to describe what he is doing.<\/p>\n<p>But between 1970 and these examples from the mid 1970s, Foucault does not use \u2018genealogy\u2019 to describe an approach. It was either a notion seen as explicitly Nietzschean, or a general descriptor of a contrast to a critical approach, or an object of study itself. Instead, in the early 1970s, Foucault uses another term, which for a while at least seems to be the more likely complementary approach to archaeology. This term is dynasty, a dynastic or a dynastics.<\/p>\n<p>Foucault uses the term dynastic in both his second and third lecture courses at the Coll\u00e8ge de France. To my knowledge the first use of the term is on 15 December 1971 in the third lecture of <em>Penal Theories and Institutions<\/em>. Foucault is exploring the revolt of the <em>Nu-pieds<\/em>, and suggests we must analyse this not through \u201ca semiotics of the elements, but in a dynastic of forces\u201d (PTI 47\/45). He repeats this formulation later in the course (PTI 199\/199), and then in the closing lecture, when he contrasts the history of sciences with the archaeology of knowledge and the dynastic of knowledge.<\/p>\n<p>On 8 March 1972 he suggests we have three levels:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>the history of the sc[iences] on the basis of which reduction to epistemological matrices enables us to pass<\/li>\n<li>to the archaeology of knowledge: on the basis of which the excavation of the juridico-political matrices of knowledge [<em>savoir<\/em>].<\/li>\n<li>enables us to pass to the level of knowledge-power. The level where extra profit, extra power and extra knowledge are linked together.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Study of the dynastic of knowledge [<em>savoir<\/em>] (PTI 215\/215).<\/p>\n<p>So, we have three levels: history of sciences; archaeology of knowledge; knowledge-power. To approach the latter we have a dynastic of knowledge (PTI 215\/215); earlier a dynastic of forces (PTI 47\/45). One important thing that comes from this is the sense that it connects both knowledge and power, or here forces. It is not archaeology just for knowledge, and the dynastic only for power.<\/p>\n<p>Bernard Harcourt of course, edited <em>Penal Theories and Institutions <\/em>and <em>The Punitive Society<\/em>, and the most substantial discussion of what Foucault meant by the term \u2018dynastics\u2019 can be found in his editorial notes to these courses (especially PTI 53-55 n. 16\/PTI 51-53 n. 16). He gives all the textual indications, both in these courses and in an important 1972 interview given in Japan (DE II, 406; not translated into English). The key thing I\u2019d add is that we need to explore the dynastic alongside the genealogical \u2013 tracing the emergence of one and the eclipse of the other.<\/p>\n<p>The dynastic is also a term used in <em>The Punitive Society<\/em> when Foucault talks, on 31 January 1973:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>The problem is precisely to find this apparatus [<em>appareil<\/em>] of power and to see how the prison form [<em>forme-prison<\/em>] could effectively be inserted and become an instrument in power relations. Until now, we have been studying the threads [<em>trames<\/em>, frames] of possible derivations: for example, how within the theoretical and practical penal system, ideas and institutions join up with each other. Now it is a matter of finding the relations of power that make possible the historical emergence of something like the prison. After an archaeological type of analysis, it is a matter of undertaking a dynastic type of analysis, genealogical [type of analysis], focusing on filiations on the basis of power relations (PS 86\/83-4).<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>So, the term in its 1973 use is paired with genealogy. But to get there, Foucault works through a number of stages. There is an explicit nod to the previous year\u2019s course title of <em>Penal Theories and Institutions<\/em>, but this is now specified in a bit more detail: theoretical and practical; ideas and institutions. He asks what is it which makes possible \u201cthe historical emergence of something like the prison\u201d. Foucault is indicating \u201ca dynastic type of analysis, genealogical [type of analysis]\u201d as the mode of inquiry proper to <em>this<\/em> question.<\/p>\n<p>But a bit later in the course, on 7 February 1973, Foucault explicitly contrasts archaeology with genealogy. He is talking about the relation between two ensembles: \u201cthe penal ensemble, characterised by the prohibition and the sanction, the law; and the punitive ensemble, characterized by the coercive penitentiary system\u201d (PS 114\/111). Both of these can be examined individually, tracing their emergence from, respectively, the State institutionalisation of justice, and the capitalist mode of production. Foucault\u2019s question, however, extends beyond an archaeological one. \u201cThus the genealogical problem is to know [<em>savoir<\/em>] how these two ensembles, of different origins, came to be added together and function inside the same tactic\u201d (PS 114-5\/111). Here Foucault does not mention the dynastic; it is a genealogical problem.<\/p>\n<p>After 1973, Foucault tends to use the term \u2018dynastic\u2019 to describe relations, rather than as an approach to history. For example, in <em>Psychiatric Power <\/em>in 1974, he describes \u201cthe traditional dynasty of schools, barracks, prisons and so forth\u201d (PS 81\/79). There are some instances in <em>The<\/em> <em>Abnormals <\/em>in 1975 where it seems a bit more ambiguous: \u201cthe dynasty of the extended series of ambiguities\u201d; \u201cthe great dynasty of the history of convulsions\u201d; \u201cthe dynasty of the different sexual aberrations\u201d, among others (A 19\/20, 264\/279). By <em>\u2018Society Must Be Defended\u2019<\/em> in 1976 Foucault uses the term in a more traditional sense of lineages of royalty. Here it is similar to the way Georges Dum\u00e9zil uses the term \u201cdynastic history\u201d, in the conventional sense of writing the history of a dynasty, in, for example his <em>Mitra-Varuna <\/em>or <em>Mythe et epop\u00e9e<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>And at this time, by the mid 1970s, especially in relation to the <em>History of Sexuality<\/em>, Foucault is more explicit in using the label of genealogy to describe what he is doing. A timeline of the uses seems important, because we read these courses in the light of books and other publications which came after them chronologically, but were published long before. Add to this the way that the courses were published in non-chronological order, and it becomes possible to think that there is something there which is not, actually, explicitly stated. Tracing the genealogy of genealogy, the dynastics of this conceptual dynasty requires a different approach.<\/p>\n<p>My one qualification to Harcourt\u2019s notes is that Foucault does not use the terms genealogical and dynastic together very often. \u201cIf Foucault often employs the terms \u2018genealogical\u2019 and \u2018dynastic\u2019 in equivalent ways at this time, the dynastic nevertheless has certain characteristics that it is worth picking out\u201d (PTI 53 n. 16\/52 n. 16; see 217 n. 3\/217 n. 3; 217-8 n. 5\/217 n.4). Indeed, I think there is only one instance when Foucault unambiguously equates the terms. The instance in <em>The Punitive Society<\/em> is the <em>first<\/em> time that Foucault uses the genealogical and the dynastic in an equivalent way; and it is also the <em>last<\/em> time \u2013 with genealogy replacing the term to describe an approach from this point on.<\/p>\n<p>This course we are discussing therefore is the moment when Foucault hands the baton to genealogy to stand for what he had previously described as the dynastic. A crucial moment therefore comes in this course on 7 February 1973 where Foucault contrasts the archaeological and genealogical approaches to the analysis of the penal ensemble and the punitive ensemble (PS 114-15\/111).<\/p>\n<p>So, in bringing us back to the conflux of the penal and the punitive, the focus of our discussions here, I want to spare a moment to think about the way we might examine them.<\/p>\n<h1 style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>References to Foucault\u2019s Work<\/strong><\/h1>\n<p>A\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Les Anormaux: Cours au Coll\u00e8ge de France (1974-1975)<\/em>, edited by Valerio Marchetti and Antonella Salomani, Paris: Gallimard\/Seuil, 1999; translated by Graham Burchell as <em>Abnormal: Lectures at the Coll\u00e8ge de France 1974-1975<\/em>, London: Verso, 2003.<\/p>\n<p>DE\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Dits et \u00e9crits 1954\u20131988<\/em>, edited by Daniel Defert and Fran\u00e7ois Ewald, Paris: Gallimard, Four Volumes, 1994.<\/p>\n<p>DP\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Surveiller et punir \u2013 Naissance de la prison<\/em>, Paris: Gallimard\/Tel, 1975; translated by Alan Sheridan as <em>Discipline and Punish \u2013 The Birth of the Prison<\/em>, London: Penguin, 1976.<\/p>\n<p>PP\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Le pouvoir psychiatrique: Cours au Coll\u00e8ge de France (1973-1974)<\/em>, edited by Jacques Lagrange, Paris: Gallimard\/Seuil, 2003; translated by Graham Burchell as <em>Psychiatric Power: Lectures at the Coll\u00e8ge de France 1973-74<\/em>, London: Palgrave, 2006.<\/p>\n<p>PS \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>La soci\u00e9t\u00e9 punitive: Cours au Coll\u00e8ge de France (1972-73)<\/em>, edited by Bernard E. Harcourt, Paris: Gallimard\/Seuil, 2013; translated by Graham Burchell as <em>The Punitive Society: Lectures at the Coll\u00e8ge de France 1972-73<\/em>, London: Palgrave, 2015.<\/p>\n<p>PTI\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Th\u00e9ories et institutions p\u00e9nales: Cours au Coll\u00e8ge de France (1971-1972)<\/em>, edited by Bernard E. Harcourt, Paris: Gallimard\/Seuil, 2015; translated by Graham Burchell as <em>Penal Theories and Institutions: <\/em><em>Lectures at the Coll\u00e8ge de France 1971-1972<\/em>, London: Palgrave, 2019.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By Stuart Elden I\u2019ve written about The Punitive Society course by Foucault before, particularly in a review essay which appeared in Historical Materialism, and then in my book Foucault: The Birth of Power which appeared with Polity in 2017. That&hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/stuart-elden-from-dynastics-to-genealogy\/\" class=\"more-link\">Continue Reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2322,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[38972],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1670","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-posts-7-13"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1670","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2322"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1670"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1670\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1670"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1670"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1670"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}