{"id":1560,"date":"2020-12-12T20:08:34","date_gmt":"2020-12-13T01:08:34","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/?p=1560"},"modified":"2021-04-27T15:41:53","modified_gmt":"2021-04-27T19:41:53","slug":"bernard-e-harcourt-the-abolition-of-capital-an-introduction","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/bernard-e-harcourt-the-abolition-of-capital-an-introduction\/","title":{"rendered":"Bernard E. Harcourt | The Abolition of Capital: An Introduction"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2><a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/bernard-e-harcourt-host\/\">By Bernard E. Harcourt<\/a><\/h2>\n<p>In <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/6-13-abolish-capital\/\">Abolition Democracy 6\/13<\/a>, our seminar turns to the question of the abolition of capital and capitalism. Our challenge is to reimagine and resituate contemporary social movements for the abolition of capital within the framework of abolition democracy. We will do so through a close reading of the mid-century debate within the Frankfurt School over the history and transformations of Western capitalism.<\/p>\n<p>During World War II, several members of the Frankfurt School initiated a conversation over the changing nature of capitalism especially in Germany during Hitler\u2019s Third Reich and the rise of National Socialism. At the time, the new form of state-controlled totalitarian capitalism raised significant challenges to economic theories and histories\u2014whether they were neo-classical liberal theories of a <em>laissez-faire <\/em>government or Marxist theories of the inevitable crises of accumulation and demise of capitalist modes of production. A well-functioning centralized type of capitalism, involving state planning, defied most prevailing ideas about both capitalism and late capitalism.<\/p>\n<p>The sociologist and economist Friedrich Pollock (who founded with Felix Weil and served as director of the Institute for Social Research at various times), and the political and legal theorist, Franz Leopold Neumann, instigated a debate over competing analyses of National Socialism in Germany. Pollock offered an interpretation of National Socialism as a new form of \u201cstate capitalism\u201d and suggested the potential promise of democratically-controlled central planning, in an article titled \u201cState Capitalism: Its Possibilities and Limitations,\u201d published in 1941. By contrast, Neumann developed a theory of National Socialism as an irremediable, irrational, and power-driven form of totalitarian monopoly capitalism on the model of Hobbes\u2019s lawless <em>Behemoth <\/em>(as opposed to Hobbes\u2019s orderly <em>Leviathan<\/em>), in his book <em>Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism<\/em>, published in 1942. Theodor Adorno would later weigh in on this debate, developing his own particular conception of \u201clate capitalism,\u201d in an essay titled \u201cLate Capitalism or Industrial Society?\u201d delivered to German sociologists in 1968 and in other writings. Herbert Marcuse as well, in his book <em>One-Dimensional Man<\/em> published in 1964, offered a related critique of administered living in the welfare state.<\/p>\n<p>By returning to this debate, and to this history, we hope to shed light on today\u2019s many movements for the abolition of capital\u2014ranging from recent writings on the creation of a \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/praxis1313\/5-13\/\">common<\/a>\u201d (including the work of Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.bloomsbury.com\/uk\/common-9781350021211\/\"><em>Common: On Revolution in the 21<sup>st<\/sup> Century<\/em><\/a>, and Michael Hardt and Toni Negri, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.hup.harvard.edu\/catalog.php?isbn=9780674060289\"><em>Commonwealth<\/em><\/a> and <a href=\"https:\/\/global.oup.com\/academic\/product\/assembly-9780190677961?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;\"><em>Assembly<\/em><\/a>), recent work on the <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/praxis1313\/8-13\/\">idea of communism<\/a> (including the work of <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/praxis1313\/etienne-balibar-communism-as-commitment-imagination-and-politics\/\">\u00c9tienne Balibar<\/a> and <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/praxis1313\/slavoj-zizek-how-to-begin-from-the-beginning\/\">Slavoj \u017di\u017eek<\/a>), as well as recent proposals for a new form of co\u00f6perationism (including my work-in-progress titled <a href=\"https:\/\/harcourt.cooperation.law.columbia.edu\/\"><em>For Co\u00f6peration and the Abolition of Capital<\/em><\/a>).<\/p>\n<p>These questions are also relevant today because of new mixed models of capitalism that combine markets and state control, including possibly new forms of state capitalism, in countries such as China and elsewhere.<\/p>\n<p>But first, a word about the framing of this seminar.<\/p>\n<h1>Heartbeat Opera\u2019s <em>Breathing Free<\/em><\/h1>\n<blockquote><p>\u201cO welche Lust, in freier Luft den Atem leicht zu heben!\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cO what joy, in the open air, <em>freely to breathe again!<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 80px;\"><em>\u2014 <\/em>Beethoven, <em>Fidelio<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>In a powerful adaptation of Beethoven\u2019s opera <em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.heartbeatopera.org\/fidelio\">Fidelio<\/a><\/em>, the stunning and innovative new opera company, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.heartbeatopera.org\/\">Heartbeat Opera<\/a>, places Beethoven\u2019s libretto squarely in our times and crises of racialized mass incarceration and police violence. Heartbeat Opera sets its production in a modern-day prison that has all the trappings of the Rikers Island jail in New York City. The protagonist, Stan, is incarcerated as punishment for participating in #BlackLivesMatter protests following the police killings of Eric Garner and Michael Brown. His wife Leah becomes a prison guard in order to seduce a correctional officer\u2019s daughter, Marcy, and free her husband.<\/p>\n<p>Heartbeat Opera\u2019s performance is a riveting adaptation that brings the ecstasy of Beethoven\u2019s music to bear on the racial injustices of our times. The <em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/05\/18\/arts\/music\/classical-music-youtube.html\">New York Times<\/a> <\/em>described the production as \u201curgent, powerful, poignant.\u201d<a href=\"#_edn1\" name=\"_ednref1\">[1]<\/a> I found the production, personally, moving to tears and chilling.<\/p>\n<p>The moment that sent chills down my spine and tears down my cheeks was during Beethoven\u2019s famous <em>Prisoners\u2019 Chorus<\/em>, \u201cO welche Lust!\u201d (&#8220;O what a joy!\u201d), when the live stage production cut to a jumbotron video that then brought us into prisons across the country to watch and hear the prison choirs of men and women artists, incarcerated, singing Beethoven\u2019s chorus in German. In Beethoven\u2019s original as in Heartbeat Opera\u2019s adaptation, the chorus is meant to capture the momentary freedom prisoners feel when temporarily released from their cells. The experience was one of the most moving I had ever experienced, surely the most moving at an opera. A short documentary describes the collaborations with the choirs that led to Heartbeat Opera\u2019s production\u2014including the Oakdale Community Choir, KUJI Men\u2019s Chorus, Hope Thru Harmony Women\u2019s Choir, UBUNTU Men\u2019s Chorus, and East Hill Singers:<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><iframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/J_ipFPVLUS8\" width=\"560\" height=\"315\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p>We open the seminar Abolition Democracy 6\/13 with a presentation of the chorus itself, and a discussion with the director of Heartbeat Opera\u2019s <em>Fidelio<\/em>, <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/ethan-heard\/\">Ethan Heard<\/a>, and with <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/ras-dia\/\">Ras Dia<\/a>, the creative producer of their new production, <em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.heartbeatopera.org\/breathing-free\">Breathing Free<\/a><\/em>, that builds on the <em>Fidelio <\/em>performance and adapts it to these times of pandemic, confinement, and uprisings.<\/p>\n<p><em>Breathing Free<\/em> is an innovative, digital, on-line operatic performance that incorporates several of Beethoven\u2019s arias into a new composition that encourages and stimulates us to confront police violence, mass incarceration, and racial injustice from an abolitionist perspective. An absolutely brilliant production, <em>Breathing Free<\/em> includes vocal and dance performances, all by outstanding artists.<\/p>\n<p>In this brilliant work, Beethoven\u2019s chorus is joined to a stunning rendition of an aria from <em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.wisemusicclassical.com\/work\/27257\/X----The-Life-and-Times-of-Malcolm-X--Anthony-Davis\/\">X (The Life and Times of Malcom X)<\/a><\/em> by Anthony and Thulani Davis. That opera follows the entire life of Malcom X, from his boyhood in Lansing, Michigan, through his conversion to Islam, encounters with the law, all the way to his assassination. The aria is situated right after Malcom X was arrested, and he \u201clets fly the full force of his rhetorical power for the first time.\u201d<a href=\"#_edn2\" name=\"_ednref2\">[2]<\/a> Staged in the plaza in front of the federal and state courthouses at Foley Square in downtown New York, the scene directly confronts the racial injustices of our criminal legal ordeal. The words of Malcolm X are unrelenting:<\/p>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: center;\">I Would Not Tell You What I Know<\/h2>\n<h2 style=\"text-align: center;\">From <em>X (The Life and Times of Malcolm X)<\/em><\/h2>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\">(Music by Anthony Davis; libretto by Thulani Davis; story by Christopher Davis; performed by Derrell Acon and the BREATHING FREE Band Copyright \u00a9 1987 by G. Schirmer, Inc. (ASCAP))<\/p>\n<p>I would not tell you what I know,<br \/>\nyou wouldn\u2019t hear my truth.<br \/>\nYou want the story but you don\u2019t want to know.<br \/>\nMy truth is you\u2019ve been on me, a very long time,<br \/>\nlonger than I can say.<br \/>\nAs long as I\u2019ve been living,<br \/>\nyou\u2019ve had your foot on me,<br \/>\nalways pressing.<br \/>\nMy truth is white men,<br \/>\nkilled my old man,<br \/>\ndrove my mother mad.<br \/>\nMy truth is rough,<br \/>\nmy truth could kill,<br \/>\nmy truth is fury.<br \/>\nThey always told me, \u201cYou don\u2019t have a chance.<br \/>\nYou\u2019re a n***** after all.<br \/>\nYou can jitterbug and prance<br \/>\nbut you\u2019ll never run the ball.\u201d<br \/>\nMy truth told me, quit before you start.<br \/>\nMy truth told me, stayin\u2019 alive is all you\u2019ve got.<br \/>\nI\u2019ve shined your shoes, I\u2019ve sold your dope,<br \/>\nhauled your bootleg, played with hustler\u2019s hope.<br \/>\nBut the crime is mine.<br \/>\nI\u2019ll do your time so you can sleep.<br \/>\nI won\u2019t be out to get you on the street at night,<br \/>\nbut I won\u2019t forget any evil that\u2019s white.<br \/>\nMy truth is a hammer coming from the back.<br \/>\nIt will beat you down when you least expect.<br \/>\nI would not tell you what I know.<br \/>\nYou want the truth<br \/>\nYou want the truth<br \/>\nBut you don\u2019t want to know.<\/p>\n<p>The ambition of this seminar series, Abolition Democracy 13\/13, is simultaneously to say these truths and break down the unwillingness to hear them.<\/p>\n<h1>W.E.B. Du Bois<\/h1>\n<p>This was, in large part, W.E.B. Du Bois\u2019s ambition in his book <em>Black Reconstruction in America<\/em>. This is the ambition of racial justice and abolition democracy. It is the ambition of abolishing racial injustice. In previous seminars, we explored this ambition by rethinking the abolition of slavery, of the police, and of property. We turn now to the question of the abolition of capital.<\/p>\n<p>In this respect, once again, we can trace roots back to Du Bois\u2019s <em>Black Reconstruction<\/em>, where, in dialogue with Marxian thought and the history of American labor movements, Du Bois discussed the movement toward worker cooperatives within the communities of freed Black men and women.<a href=\"#_edn3\" name=\"_ednref3\">[3]<\/a> Du Bois recounted, there, the history of the labor conventions, such as the one held in 1869, that called for the \u201cestablishment of co\u00f6perative workshops.\u201d<a href=\"#_edn4\" name=\"_ednref4\">[4]<\/a> Du Bois detailed the efforts of the Bureau of Labor, in 1870, to organize \u201cNegro labor,\u201d and its call \u201cto secure funds from bankers and capitalists for aid in establishing co\u00f6perative associations.\u201d<a href=\"#_edn5\" name=\"_ednref5\">[5]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>But even more, in an essay published in 1935 in <em>The Crisis<\/em>, titled \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/inside.sfuhs.org\/dept\/history\/US_History_reader\/Chapter10\/duboisnation.pdf\">A Negro Nation Within the Nation<\/a>,\u201d Du Bois advocated for an African-American co\u00f6perative movement \u201cseparate from the national economy and mainstream labor.\u201d<a href=\"#_edn6\" name=\"_ednref6\">[6]<\/a> Du Bois explicitly argued for a separatist Black co\u00f6peratives movement that would no longer depend on \u201cthe salvation of a white God\u201d but instead \u201cachieve a new economic solidarity.\u201d<a href=\"#_edn7\" name=\"_ednref7\">[7]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Du Bois began by noting the crises that Black workers faced. Not just the economic downturn caused by the Great Depression, but in addition, forms of segregation, exclusion from the recovery efforts, and on top of that, closed unions and union shops due to outright racism.<a href=\"#_edn8\" name=\"_ednref8\">[8]<\/a> In his essay, Du Bois confronted what he diagnosed as an insurmountable racism within the working class. The greatest problem facing the African-American community, Du Bois argued, was white labor which excluded, harassed, and terrorized to Black worker.<a href=\"#_edn9\" name=\"_ednref9\">[9]<\/a> In the face of that racism, Du Bois advocated for separatism and cooperation within the Black community\u2014specifically for the creation of a Black cooperative movement, separate from white society.<\/p>\n<p>Echoing his great book, <em>Black Reconstruction, <\/em>Du Bois declared that \u201cThe main weakness of the Negro\u2019s position is that since emancipation he has never had an adequate economic foundation.\u201d<a href=\"#_edn10\" name=\"_ednref10\">[10]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Du Bois opposed the approach of Booker T. Washington, who sought to educate and train African-American men and women to integrate them into white industry, arguing that there was sufficiently educated leadership. What was missing was the leadership itself. The need, then, was not to fight segregation, as some activists and thinkers like James Weldon Johnson advocated, nor to wait for humanitarian benevolence from white people, but instead to separate and create a Black nation within the nation. Du Bois was willing to bear the burden of more segregation and even more prejudice in order to achieve this economic solidarity. Du Bois explained:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>There exists today a chance for the Negroes to organize a cooperative State within their own group. By letting Negro farmers feed Negro artisans, and Negro technicians guide Negro home industries, and Negro thinkers plan this integration of cooperation, while Negro artists dramatize and beautify the struggle, economic independence can be achieved. To doubt this is possible is to doubt the essential humanity and the quality of brains of the American Negro.<a href=\"#_edn11\" name=\"_ednref11\">[11]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Du Bois\u2019s idea was to create a Black cooperative nation within the United States, as a way ultimately to achieve, in the long run, a unified country, without class or racial barriers. In his words, \u201cNegroes can develop in the United States an economic nation within a nation, able to work through inner cooperation, to found its own institutions, to educate its genius, and at the same time, without mob violence or extremes of race hatred, to keep in helpful touch and cooperate with the mass of the nation.\u201d<a href=\"#_edn12\" name=\"_ednref12\">[12]<\/a> And when they had achieved this, Du Bois concluded, Black Americans would no longer be \u201crefused fellowship and equality in the United States.\u201d<a href=\"#_edn13\" name=\"_ednref13\">[13]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Du Bois\u2019s was a radical vision of co\u00f6peration and separatism\u2014one that did not necessarily entail, though, the abolition of property, the creation of a common, or anything close to a communist horizon. It did not require the abolition of capital. But it was a step toward a co\u00f6perationist society that no longer depended on the extractive logics of modern capitalism.<\/p>\n<h1>Marx on Co\u00f6perationism<\/h1>\n<p>Although Du Bois embraced the <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/bernard-e-harcourt-property-is-theft-an-introduction\/\">dictatorship of labor<\/a> in <em>Black Reconstruction<\/em> and referred explicitly to the \u201cdictatorship of the proletariat\u201d<a href=\"#_edn14\" name=\"_ednref14\">[14]<\/a>\u2014and on the reading proposed by <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/amy-allen-slavery-work-and-property-duboiss-black-marxism\/\">Amy Allen<\/a>, deployed a Marxian framework to interpret the history of emancipation from slavery\u2014he did not mention socialism or come close to Marxism in his essay \u201cA Negro Nation Within the Nation.\u201d Du Bois was more pragmatic, politically.<\/p>\n<p>For Marx, by contrast, worker co\u00f6peratives and mutual associations represent a necessary, but still tainted, form of economic evolution toward communism. In that sense, co\u00f6peratives represent for Marx a step toward the abolition of capital and capitalism. On Marx\u2019s historical account, worker co\u00f6peratives are a stage of socialism that will eventually lead to communism. They are defective insofar as they still bear the imprint of private property relations and self-interest: workers in co\u00f6peratives are still oriented toward the profitability of their own workshops and burdened by a regime of competition.<\/p>\n<p>As discussed at <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/bernard-e-harcourt-productive-tensions-in-du-bois-marx-and-proudhon\/\">Abolition Democracy 5\/13<\/a>, Marx, in his <a href=\"https:\/\/www.marxists.org\/archive\/marx\/works\/1875\/gotha\/ch01.htm\"><em>Critique of the Gotha Program<\/em><\/a> (1875), characterized worker co\u00f6peratives as the first stage of socialism, a stage of economic development that, in his words, is \u201cin every respect, economically, morally, and intellectually, still stamped with the birthmarks of the old society from whose womb it emerges.\u201d They represent a step forward, but are nevertheless tainted by \u201cdefects\u201d which, in Marx\u2019s words, \u201care inevitable in the first phase of communist society as it is when it has just emerged after prolonged birth pangs from capitalist society.\u201d They will be followed by a more wholesome transformation of the economy. In the famous words of the <em>Critique<\/em>, Marx writes:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>In a higher phase of communist society, after the enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labor, and therewith also the antithesis between mental and physical labor, has vanished; after labor has become not only a means of life but life&#8217;s prime want; after the productive forces have also increased with the all-around development of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow more abundantly \u2013 only then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois right be crossed in its entirety and\u00a0society inscribe on its banners: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>As noted last time, worker co\u00f6peratives are only a useful step forward toward this horizon, according to Marx, if they are created genuinely by the workers, and are not the product of the state or of capitalist investment. As Marx stressed in his critique: \u201cas far as the present co-operative societies are concerned, they are of value <em>only<\/em> in so far as they are the independent creations of the workers and not prot\u00e9g\u00e9s either of the government or of the bourgeois.\u201d<a href=\"#_edn15\" name=\"_ednref15\"><sup>[15]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<h1>Contemporary Debates Over Co\u00f6peratives<\/h1>\n<p>Some contemporary critical thinkers are more favorable to worker co\u00f6peratives as an end in themselves. Some embrace the model of a society founded on co\u00f6peration as a horizon for social justice.<\/p>\n<p>In their discussion of \u201cthe common,\u201d for instance, Dardot and Laval trace and engage the many authors, including at times Hardt and Negri, who embrace a co\u00f6perative model, especially in the context of technological innovation and the hope for a new virtual commons, or what is known as the \u201cknowledge commons.\u201d<a href=\"#_edn16\" name=\"_ednref16\">[16]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>In my own work, in the first draft of my Open Review manuscript <a href=\"https:\/\/harcourt.cooperation.law.columbia.edu\/\"><em>For Co\u00f6peration and the Abolition of Capital<\/em><\/a>, I explicitly make the argument for the abolition of capital and its replacement with institutions of co\u00f6peration. Worker co\u00f6peratives, as well as insurance mutuals, credit unions, non-profits, and other forms of co\u00f6peratives (consumer, retail, and producer) represent, on my view, the only proper way forward\u2014as opposed to models that are misleadingly labelled capitalist or communist, but are no more than dirigiste regimes.<\/p>\n<p>These proposals raise the question whether co\u00f6peration could serve as a replacement for capital and how they relate to the broader project of social justice. They also raise key questions about the history of capitalism and its transformations over time past\u2014and future horizon.<\/p>\n<h1>The Frankfurt School on Late Capitalism<\/h1>\n<p>These are precisely the questions that members of the Frankfurt School posed when faced with the radical transformation of capitalism under National Socialism in Germany.<\/p>\n<p>The Frankfurt thinkers, in exile, were trying to understand how capitalism was and would evolve: how it was evolving towards \u201cstate capitalism\u201d in Germany; whether it could evolve toward a more democratic form of a controlled economy in the U.S.; how late forms of capitalism were related to monopoly totalitarian capitalism; and whether any of these new forms might lead ultimately to the overcoming of capitalism.<\/p>\n<p>How could capitalism thrive under a totalitarian state given that it was grounded on a theory of the limited state? After all, the state centralization characteristic of Nazi Germany and totalitarianism represented the complete antithesis to <em>laissez-faire<\/em> economics.<\/p>\n<p>Very different answers emerged, giving rise to a robust debate over notions of state capitalism, monopolistic totalitarian capitalism, late capitalism\u2014even over the continuing relevance of Marxian analysis. It is to this productive debate, which I will flesh out in the next post, that we will turn to at Abolition Democracy 6\/13.<\/p>\n<h1>Contemporary Resonances<\/h1>\n<p>It is important to emphasize the contemporary relevancy of those Frankfurt debates.<\/p>\n<p>Just as the Marxian framework and predictions about capitalism were challenged by National Socialism, today the explanatory matrix of neoliberalism is similarly challenged by the advent of authoritarian neoliberalism in its various forms\u2014white nationalist in Trump\u2019s United States, but different in Erdogan\u2019s Turkey. How does neoliberalism adjust when it is tied to explicit \u201cAmerica First\u201d protectionism and nationalism, for instance? How does it adjust to the European Union project and to Brexit? How does it get translated into Erdogan\u2019s Turkey?<\/p>\n<p>Like the stages of capitalism for Marx, it is possible to periodize neoliberalism. Dardot and Laval describe three periods: First, a period of experimentation with Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, as the ideas of the Chicago School start to be implemented in rhetoric, practice, and institutions, such as the World Bank and the IMF. Second, a period of consensus making surrounding the collapse of the Berlin Wall; this leads to the \u201cWashington Consensus,\u201d a series of agreed-upon practices and institutions associated with the World Bank and the IMF, and ultimately, a belief in the end of history. Third, the period that follows the 2008 Crash: A brief moment when people thought it was the end of neoliberalism, a window in which people were prepared to reevaluate and speak in more moralizing terms about the need for social justice; but then gradually a return to normal, or if anything, an <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thecarceral.org\/journal-vol6.html\">entrenchment of neoliberal<\/a> ideas and practices. Here, Phillip Mirowski\u2019s book<em>, Never Let a Serious Crisis Go to Waste<\/em>, is important; it explains well how neoliberalism consolidated itself and now thrives after the 2008 Crash.<\/p>\n<p>The task of critical theory has always been to diagnose crises as a way to put us in a better position to act. The moment of diagnosis became somewhat paralyzing in front of this Frankenstein neoliberalism, to borrow Wendy Brown\u2019s expression.<a href=\"#_edn17\" name=\"_ednref17\">[17]<\/a> How do we think this all through today? What can we learn from the Frankfurt debates?<\/p>\n<p>Welcome to Abolition Democracy 6\/13!<\/p>\n<h1 style=\"text-align: center;\">Notes<\/h1>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref1\" name=\"_edn1\">[1]<\/a> Joshua Barone, \u201cThe Nilsson Centennial: The Week in Classical Music,\u201d <em>New York Times<\/em>, May 18, 2018, https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/05\/18\/arts\/music\/classical-music-youtube.html.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref2\" name=\"_edn2\">[2]<\/a> Heartbeat Opera, <em>Breathing Free Digital Program<\/em>, accessed December 12, 2020, https:\/\/static1.squarespace.com\/static\/540e2853e4b00853b09fe0a4\/t\/5fcbe3199708706f39a8c4c8\/1607197483212\/Breathing+Free+Digital+Program.pdf.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref3\" name=\"_edn3\">[3]<\/a> Du Bois, <em>Black Reconstruction in America<\/em>, 364 and 366.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref4\" name=\"_edn4\">[4]<\/a> Du Bois, <em>Black Reconstruction<\/em>, 362 and 364.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref5\" name=\"_edn5\">[5]<\/a> Du Bois, <em>Black Reconstruction<\/em>, 366.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref6\" name=\"_edn6\">[6]<\/a> Du Bois, <em>Black Reconstruction<\/em>, xiv.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref7\" name=\"_edn7\">[7]<\/a> W.E.B. Du Bois, \u201cA Negro Nation Within the Nation,\u201d <em>Current History<\/em> (1935): 269.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref8\" name=\"_edn8\">[8]<\/a> Du Bois, \u201cA Negro Nation Within the Nation,\u201d 265-266.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref9\" name=\"_edn9\">[9]<\/a> Du Bois, \u201cA Negro Nation Within the Nation,\u201d 267.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref10\" name=\"_edn10\">[10]<\/a> Du Bois, \u201cA Negro Nation Within the Nation,\u201d 266.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref11\" name=\"_edn11\">[11]<\/a> Du Bois, \u201cA Negro Nation Within the Nation,\u201d 270.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref12\" name=\"_edn12\">[12]<\/a> Du Bois, \u201cA Negro Nation Within the Nation,\u201d 269.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref13\" name=\"_edn13\">[13]<\/a> Du Bois, \u201cA Negro Nation Within the Nation,\u201d 270.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref14\" name=\"_edn14\">[14]<\/a> Du Bois, <em>Black Reconstruction<\/em>, 185.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref15\" name=\"_edn15\">[15]<\/a> Karl Marx, <em>Critique of the Gotha Program<\/em>, in <em>The Marx-Engels Reader, 2<sup>nd<\/sup> ed<\/em>., ed. Robert C. Tucker (New York: W.W. Norton &amp; Company, 1978), 536.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref16\" name=\"_edn16\">[16]<\/a> Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval, <em>Common: On Revolution in the 21<sup>st<\/sup> Century<\/em>, trans. Matthew MacLellan (London: Bloomsbury, 2019), 116-123.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref17\" name=\"_edn17\">[17]<\/a> Wendy Brown, \u201cNeoliberalism\u2019s Frankenstein,\u201d <em>Critical Times<\/em> 1, no. I (April 2018): 60-79.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By Bernard E. Harcourt In Abolition Democracy 6\/13, our seminar turns to the question of the abolition of capital and capitalism. Our challenge is to reimagine and resituate contemporary social movements for the abolition of capital within the framework of&hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/bernard-e-harcourt-the-abolition-of-capital-an-introduction\/\" class=\"more-link\">Continue Reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1641,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[38959],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1560","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-posts-6-13"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1560","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1641"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1560"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1560\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1560"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1560"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.law.columbia.edu\/abolition1313\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1560"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}